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The paper examines locality conditions on licensing “negative” (ni-) pronouns in Russian. Drawing on experimental data we show that ni-pronouns can be licensed out of the matrix clause in both subject and object control infinitives. We further argue that long-distance licensing occurs through expansion of the licensing domain to the inclusion of argumental infinitive clauses, and not through raising of ni-pronouns to the matrix clause.
№ | Имя | Описание | Имя файла | Размер | Добавлен |
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1. | Краткий текст | annotation_rus.doc | 24,0 КБ | 5 декабря 2021 [lyutikova] |